Residents and housing advocates were outraged by HUD’s
announcements, and saw HUD’s plan as a way to push residents out of the city
forever. Twelve days after Jackson’s announcement,
Loyola law professor Bill Quigley filed a lawsuit on behalf of the public
housing residents who believe that federal and local housing agencies have
actively blocked residents from returning to their homes. The current class
action suit alleges racial discrimination and violation of the 1937 Housing Act,
which requires public hearings before demolition of any public housing, and
mandates HUD to quickly reopen public housing.
As part of the case, residents argue that demolition and redevelopment
are a far more expensive choice than remediation, and that HANO overstated the
extent of the Katrina damages. The
lawsuit also highlights the fact that any current lead contamination of the
premises predates the storm and that the potential for health effects from lead
contaminated soil only exists if the soil is ingested.
To public housing residents, HUD’s argument that the
projects are unsafe to return to is not standing up.
One former resident of the St. Barnard Housing Project told the
Times-Picayune: “We’ve been living with mold, we’ve been living with backed up
sewage. We’ve been living with
gunshots over our heads and broken everything.
Now all of a sudden it’s a hazard.
It’s been a hazard, but we want to come home.”
Former residents have convened in New Orleans from around the
country to show their desire to return, and in January 2007, former tenants of
the St. Barnard development broke into scrub down the floors and walls of their
old apartments.
Even though the residents want the developments reopened,
Katrina may be the platform which will allow HUD and HANO to move forward with
their plans to improve housing conditions in New Orleans and change a system of
intergenerational dependence on substandard housing. Members of the public
health community generally agree that improving the urban environment can lead
to improvements in health by reducing asthma rates, abating the risk of lead
exposures, increasing physical activity and decreasing violence and injury.
In New Orleans lies a large-scale opportunity to
improve housing conditions and resident health.
A number of cities have seen successful turnarounds of once
blighted housing projects. The Richmond based Better Housing Coalition razed a
small, dark and poorly insulated structure and replaced it with Winchester
Green, a community of environmentally friendly structures built around a system
of parks, sidewalks and quiet streets.
The new, 80 acre community had 270 new rental townhouses and 172 garden
apartments for seniors, a child care center, fully staffed social services
center and a handful of retail establishments.
The frequency of asthma attacks has decreased, partly attributed to the
improvements in indoor air. In Atlanta,
the city’s oldest housing project, a structure plagued with lead, sewer, heating
and plumbing problems, was also razed and remediated.
In its place the Centennial Place community was built, a
development now seen as a safe and healthy model of an urban mixed-income
community. The new development
boasts affordable public housing units as well as ample places for children to
play, a swimming pool and a $6 million YMCA center.
Crime in the community dropped by greater than 90 percent and the
elementary school in the area has been recognized for its academic excellence.
While these public housing successes have been noteworthy,
it is unclear the extent to which they are merely the result of the original
residents being pushed out and replaced by residents from a higher income
bracket. Redevelopment projects are
often funded with HUD’s Hop VI funds which replace “distressed” federally funded
housing with mixed-income developments and housing vouchers.
The program has a mixed record nationally: blighted districts are
improved, but families are often left with inadequate assistance or little
support in relocation. In New Orleans, residents
are particularly hesitant whenever plans for “mixed-income developments” are
mentioned because of the 2002 St.
Thomas housing project demolition. The subsequent River
Garden
mixed income redevelopment, a Hope VI project, contains only 25 percent
affordable units. Out of 800 families who previously lived in St. Thomas, only about 70 were able to return.
Many believe that Katrina’s path of destruction has left an
opportunity for HUD to attack one of
New Orleans most difficult housing problems and to move
closer to the housing successes attained in other cities. Yet residents and
housing advocates feel that the projects should be remediated, not razed. Others
argue that demolition is not the answer when the city needs housing for low-wage
workers now more than ever. Recently, US Representative Maxine Waters led
a congressional delegation through the Lafitte projects and declared them ready
to be opened. Under heavy public
pressure, officials are now considering allowing some of the units in the
complexes slated for demolition to be reopened to former residents, while
continuing to move forward with redevelopment plans.
Reviews of the public health effects of redevelopment shows
that the health will improve and crime will decrease. However, the former
residents of these renovating communities know their history, and wonder now
whose welfare the new and improved development project will benefit.